Reports on Global Health Research

Gender-Based Disparities in the Income of Immigrants in Canada: A Descriptive Analysis

by Oluwasayo Adewumi Olatunde 1,2*

1Department of Family Medicine, Dalhousie University, NS, Canada

2Department of Family Medicine, University of British Columbia, BC, Canada

*Corresponding author: Oluwasayo A Olatunde, Department of Family Medicine, Faculty of medicine, Dalhousie University, Canada.

Received Date: 15 March 2025

Accepted Date: 29 March 2025

Published Date: 31 March 2025.

Citation: Oluwasayo A Olatunde (2025) Gender-Based Disparities in the Income of immigrants in Canada: A Descriptive Analysis. Rep GlobHealth Res 8: 215. https://doi.org/10.29011/2690-9480.100215.

Abstract

Canada has one of the world’s best immigration policies. However, the poor integration of immigrants into the labour force has resulted in the underemployment of immigrants due to institutionalized discrimination. The discrimination amongst immigrants is likely to vary based on gender. Hence, this study aimed to examine the gender-based disparities in the employment rate and income of immigrants in Canada using secondary data from Canada statistics. Based on the findings from this study, there is a gap in the employment rate (11.0-11.7%) of male and female immigrants. It was also observed that female immigrants earned less than their male counterparts (gender pay gap of 13.5 - 49.5%) despite being from the same ethnic group, having similar academic qualifications, and working in similar industries. The findings from this study calls for policy reforms to address institutionalized discrimination against female immigrants in the Canadian labour force. The Childcare support systems in Canada should be enhanced and better flexible working arrangements should be implemented to enable female immigrants attain work-life balance. Lastly, policies that encourage fair hiring processes should be implemented to ensure that employers provide equal job opportunities to women and immigrants.

Keywords: Labour force; Gender pay gap; Gender inequality; Racial discrimination; Employment

Introduction

The concept of migration is as old as man as humans have been moving from place to place for centuries searching for greener pastures [1]. This movement is known as migration and is usually for social, economic or political purposes. The process of moving out of a region is known as emigration while the process of moving into a region is referred to as immigration. Immigration is the national (within the same country) or international (across countries) movement of people to from one region into a new region [2]. The choice of migrating could be due to conflict, economic hardship, lack of opportunities and the implementation of unfavourable policies in the home country or better job and academic prospects, security and higher standard of living in the destination country [2,3].

The factors that influence people’s decision to migrate to a different region can be explained by the Aspirations-capabilities

framework described by De Haas [4]. Based on this framework, the migration choices of an individual depend on their aspirations and capabilities. A person’s perception of the opportunities in a different location could stimulate migration and their economic, social and political capabilities could also stimulate migration to a geographical location with better opportunities [4]. The factors that stimulate migration could also be categorised as push and pull factors. Poverty, violence, terrorism and the lack of social freedoms could push people out of a country while the presence of better job prospects, quality education, scholarship opportunities, security, the lack of certain social constraints and friendly immigration policies could attract people into a new country [2,3,5].

The United States of America, United Kingdom, Germany, Saudi Arabia and Canada have the highest number of immigrants compared to other countries [6-9]. This is due to their friendly immigration policies that foster refugee resettlement, family reunification, employment-based immigration and study permits [7,9].  Unlike other countries, Canada also has less stringent regulations for issuing permanent residency to immigrants which is a significant pull factor [10,11]. On the other hand, countries like Cuba, China, Japan and North Korea have significantly lower numbers of migrants due to their restrictive migration policies and stringent requirements for long-term residency [12-17].

Immigration policies and immigrant integration in Canada

Canada is one of the countries with the best immigration policies [18,19]. Based on an official document published by the Canadian government, the country has four immigration policies that attract immigrants into the country- temporary residency, permanent residence, family reunification and humanitarian considerations. The temporary foreign worker program, international mobility program and the International Experience Canada programs provide opportunities for tourists, workers and students to stay in the country temporarily [18]. Immigrants can become permanent residents through the express entry system, provincial nomination, Quebec-selected skilled workers, start-up visa and caregiver programs. The family and dependents of permanent residents and Canadian citizens can migrate to Canada through family reunification programs while individuals seeking refuge and asylum can be allowed to reside permanently in Canada based on humanitarian considerations [18].

Despite the friendly immigration policies in Canada, studies have shown that most immigrants are not properly integrated into the country’s labour force. In a study conducted by Lu and Hou [20], it was observed that there is a mismatch between immigrants’ qualifications and job requirements as most immigrants in Canada are underemployed. According to Raihan et al. [21], racism, discrimination, the devaluation of foreign credentials and lack of Canadian work experience significantly impede the successful integration of immigrants into the Canadian labour force. The review of immigrant studies in Canada conducted by Nazari [22] also revealed that immigrants encounter discrimination in hiring processes leading to lower employment rates, job-education mismatches and lower earnings. According to Nazari [22], skilled female immigrants face additional challenges in the labour market as they are constrained by family responsibilities and limited access to childcare, which hinders their full participation in the labour market.

Theoretical frameworks

This research is premised on the labour segmentation theory and the gender stratification theory. The labour segmentation theory proposed by Doeringer and Piore [23] and Reich et al. [24], opines that the economic inequalities amongst the people in the labour market are not solely dependent on human capital such as educational attainment but on institutional and social factors such as gender, age, race and religion [22,25]. This theory posits that the labour market is divided into two non-competing segments- primary and secondary labour market segments. The primary segment is characterised by good working conditions, job security, high income, income stability and social protection while the secondary segment is characterised by job insecurity, low income and poor working conditions.

The theory further posits that institutional and social barriers prevent the transition of individuals from the secondary segment to the primary segment [26]. Segmenting the labour market based on immigration status, studies have shown that immigrants are often relegated to the secondary segment due to barriers such as language proficiency, failure to recognise foreign credentials and systemic racism [22,27,28]. Immigrants can transition from the secondary to the primary segment over time. However, this transition is dependent on factors such as acquiring permanent residency, the duration of permanent residency, gender, academic qualifications and the ethnicity of the immigrants [29,30]. Immigrants from Africa, China, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Korea, the Philippines, Latin America and West and Southeast Asia often face more discrimination than Caucasian immigrants and are classified as visible minorities in Canada [31-33].

Due to the already existing gender inequalities in the workplace, being a female immigrant puts additional constraints on an individual’s ability to transition into the primary labour segment. The effect of gender on the employment rate and income of immigrants is examined using the gender stratification theory proposed by Blumberg [34].  This theory describes how social structure and cultural norms drive gender inequalities in the society. Female immigrants are often from home countries with patriarchal norms where they are expected to take on less demanding jobs so they can care for the family [35]. This is further aggravated by the lack of flexible work arrangements and childcare services which further subjugate women to precarious jobs [35,36].

The gender stratification theory posits that the gender pay gap is often attributed to women being less educated than the male population and the refusal of women to take up high-paying jobs than men. However, some studies show that women are frequently paid lower wages than men for the same work even when they have similar academic qualities due to systemic prejudice [37,38]. Hence, this research explores the gender pay gap among immigrants based on factors such as ethnicity, residency status, academic qualification and industry.

Methodology

This study utilised immigrant data indexed on Statisitcs Canada [39]. The data extracted from the website were on the total populations of immigrants and non-immigrants, the employment rate of immigrants and the average income of male and female immigrants across ethnicity, industries and academic qualifications. The data on ethnicity focused on racialised populations in

Canada. The visible minorities which refers to immigrants from Africa, China, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Korea, the Philippines, Latin America and West and Southeast Asia were classified as racialised immigrants while Caucasian/White immigrants were classified as non-racialised immigrants. In cases where data for 2023 were available, trend analysis on the variations in the data from 2021- 2023 was captured. However, most of the data used for this study were from national surveys conducted in 2021.

The data retrieved were already presented as mean and median scores as such the data analysis was restricted to descriptive statistics. New variables on pay gap were created using the available data on the income of immigrants in Canada. Where applicable, independent t-tests and regression analysis were used to test the associations between gender-based disparities in the income of immigrants across ethnicity, academic qualifications, and industries using Microsoft Excel and IBM SPSS.

Results

Population and labour force characteristics of immigrants in Canada

The data in Table 1 presents statistics on Canadian immigrant and non-immigrant populations based on the national census conducted in 2021. As of 2021, the total population in Canada was 36,328,475. The population of women (50.6%) in Canada is slightly higher than men.  This study also shows that 23.0% of the Canadian population are immigrants of which 88.9% of the immigrants were permanent residents as of 2021. As shown in Table 2, approximately 5,797,700 landed immigrants are part of the Canadian labour force as of 2023 (15 years and above). The data also shows that most of the landed immigrants have been in Canada for more than 10 years. The Canadian labour force also comprised of more male immigrants than female immigrants.

Total population

Men

Women

Total

Percentage

Total population

17,937,165

18,391,310

36,328,475

Non-immigrants

13,461,515

13,580,610

27,042,120

74.4%

Immigrants

3,976,160

4,385,340

8,361,505

23.0%

Percentage population (gender)

49.4%

50.6%

Immigrant population

Men

Woman

Total

Percentage

Non-permanent residents

499,490

425,365

924,850

11.1%

Permanent residents

3,476,670

3,959,975

7,436,655

88.9%

Percentage of immigrant population (Gender)

47.6%

52.4%

Table 1: immigrant and non-immigrant populations in Canada as of the 2021 census.

Labour force

2021

2023

Men

Women

Total

Men

Women

Total

Landed immigrants

2,892,100

2,612,000

5,504,100

3,030,700

2,767,100

5,797,700

Landed immigrants ≤ 5years

443,900

349,900

793,900

497,500

449,000

946,500

Landed immigrants of 6 -10 years

495,000

449,200

944,200

509,000

455,000

964,000

Landed immigrant >10 years

1,953,100

1,812,900

3,766,000

2,024,100

1,863,100

3,887,200

Employment

Landed immigrants

2,658,600

2,473,800

5,132,400

2,870,200

2,588,600

5,481,700

Landed immigrants ≤ 5years

413,200

404,600

817,800

463,700

422,900

886,600

Landed immigrants of 6 -10 years

447,300

403,000

850,300

481,000

400,000

903,900

Landed immigrant ≥ 10 years

1,798,100

1,666,200

3,464,300

1,925,500

1,765,700

3,691,200

Unemployed immigrants

Landed immigrants

233,400

238,300

471,700

160,400

178,500

338,900

Landed immigrants ≤ 5years

30,700

45,300

76,100

33,800

49,000

82,900

Landed immigrants of 6 -10 years

47,700

46,200

93,900

28,000

32,100

60,100

Landed immigrant ≥ 10 years

155,100

146,700

301,800

98,600

97,300

195,900

Table 2: Labour force characteristics of immigrants in Canada in 2021 and 2023.

As observed from the data presented in Table 2, a significant proportion of the landed immigrants in Canada are employed. While the data does not capture the type of employment-full-time or part-time or if the immigrants were underemployed, it was observed that women had a lower employment rate than men. As shown in Figure 1, the employment rate for male and female immigrants with permanent residency was 65.8% and 56.8% respectively as of 2021 and this slightly increased to 68.8% and 57.1% respectively in 2023.

 

Figure 1: The employment rate of immigrants in Canada from 2021 – 2023.

The gender gap in the employment rate of all landed immigrants in Canada was 11.0% in 2021, this slightly increased to 11.7% in 2023. Gaps in employment rate were also observed across all three categories of landed immigrants. The landed immigrants who earned their permanent residence less than 5 years ago showed the widest gap in employment rate which declined from 19.7% in 2021 to 15.8% in 2023. In contrast, the gap in the employment rate of male and female immigrants who got their permanent residency more than 10 years ago widened from 9.2% to 10.6%. This suggests that men have a higher likelihood of being employed than women.

Annual income of immigrants in Canada

The annual income of immigrants in Canada as of 2021 was explored to identify possible inequalities amongst immigrants in the Canadian workforce.  This was assessed based on ethnicity, gender, immigrant status and educational attainment (Table 3). Amongst immigrants with post-secondary certificates, people who migrated from Japan had the highest average annual income of 51,450 USD which was preceded by Chinese (50,320 USD) and South Asian (45,360 USD) immigrants while Black and Southeast Asian immigrants had the lowest annual income of 39,240 USD and 39,600 USD respectively. In contrast, Korean and Japanese immigrants without any post-secondary certificate had the lowest annual income.

Post-secondary certificate

No post-secondary certificate

Certificate pay gap

Men ($)

Woman

($)

Both sexes ($)

Gender pay gap

Men ($)

Women

($)

Both sexes ($)

Gender pay gap

Men

Women

Both sexes

South Asian

52,150

37,080

45,360

28.9%

28,800

20,440

25,120

29.0%

44.8%

44.9%

44.6%

Chinese

57,100

44,040

50,320

22.9%

23,280

19,020

21,080

18.3%

59.2%

56.8%

58.1%

Black

42,200

36,360

39,240

13.8%

25,920

19,120

22,920

26.2%

38.6%

47.4%

41.6%

Filipino

45,200

38,160

41,280

15.6%

24,660

18,600

22,020

24.6%

45.4%

51.3%

46.7%

Arab

48,880

32,560

42,080

33.4%

20,860

15,180

18,860

27.2%

57.3%

53.4%

55.2%

Latin American

48,480

34,840

41,760

28.1%

32,080

20,960

27,680

34.7%

33.8%

39.8%

33.7%

Southeast Asian

45,200

34,520

39,600

23.6%

33,080

22,660

27,760

31.5%

26.8%

34.4%

29.9%

West Asian

46,280

34,000

40,600

26.5%

24,100

17,400

21,460

27.8%

47.9%

48.8%

47.1%

Korean

48,600

35,520

41,840

26.9%

19,880

15,100

17,520

24.0%

59.1%

57.5%

58.1%

Japanese

65,800

41,080

51,450

37.6%

21,140

13,360

17,760

36.8%

67.9%

67.5%

65.5%

Non-permanent residents

South Asian

30,440

24,080

28,040

20.9%

28,800

24,080

27,320

16.4%

5.4%

0.0%

2.6%

Chinese

31,480

25,300

28,240

19.6%

25,400

25,300

24,100

0.4%

19.3%

0.0%

14.7%

Black

28,160

22,860

25,640

18.8%

28,360

22,860

25,240

19.4%

-0.7%

0.0%

1.6%

Filipino

36,120

26,120

30,040

27.7%

39,600

26,120

30,000

34.0%

-9.6%

0.0%

0.1%

Arab

25,500

21,360

24,180

16.2%

23,920

21,360

22,560

10.7%

6.2%

0.0%

6.7%

Latin American

36,160

25,260

31,560

30.1%

30,160

25,260

28,160

16.2%

16.6%

0.0%

10.8%

Southeast Asian

26,240

21,600

23,680

17.7%

32,800

21,600

26,350

34.1%

-25.0%

0.0%

-11.3%

West Asian

22,960

18,980

21,180

17.3%

17,000

18,980

31,100

-11.6%

26.0%

0.0%

-46.8%

Korean

35,760

23,680

29,040

33.8%

26,800

23,680

19,400

11.6%

25.1%

0.0%

33.2%

Japanese

106,200

25,460

60,750

76.0%

38,000

25,460

23,000

33.0%

64.2%

0.0%

62.1%

Landed < 10 years

South Asian

54,400

33,640

45,240

38.2%

25,560

16,160

21,100

36.8%

53.0%

52.0%

53.4%

Chinese

43,480

33,040

37,600

24.0%

16,840

14,600

15,620

13.3%

61.3%

55.8%

58.5%

Black

40,560

30,960

36,000

23.7%

25,880

17,460

22,180

32.5%

36.2%

43.6%

38.4%

Filipino

40,400

32,440

35,920

19.7%

19,840

15,920

18,180

19.8%

50.9%

50.9%

49.4%

Arab

37,200

24,760

32,400

33.4%

18,300

12,860

16,740

29.7%

50.8%

48.1%

48.3%

Latin American

50,440

32,160

41,320

36.2%

29,640

19,380

25,240

34.6%

41.2%

39.7%

38.9%

Southeast Asian

40,560

28,080

33,040

30.8%

25,420

16,760

20,120

34.1%

37.3%

40.3%

39.1%

West Asian

41,920

30,920

36,880

26.2%

21,440

14,680

18,900

31.5%

48.9%

52.5%

48.8%

Korean

43,520

28,160

35,160

35.3%

18,000

11,840

14,600

34.2%

58.6%

58.0%

58.5%

Japanese

57,400

28,320

35,720

50.7%

12,000

12,600

12,400

-5.0%

79.1%

55.5%

65.3%

Landed ≥ 10 years

South Asian

59,700

40,960

50,920

31.4%

33,400

24,340

29,400

27.1%

44.1%

40.6%

42.3%

Chinese

61,250

47,400

54,100

22.6%

26,720

22,220

24,420

16.8%

56.4%

53.1%

54.9%

Black

50,240

43,760

46,840

12.9%

31,960

25,060

28,760

21.6%

36.4%

42.7%

38.6%

Filipino

51,300

44,280

47,280

13.7%

35,880

26,080

31,520

27.3%

30.1%

41.1%

33.3%

Arab

62,100

37,680

51,700

39.3%

26,400

18,440

23,200

30.2%

57.5%

51.1%

55.1%

Latin American

54,600

39,320

46,880

28.0%

36,480

23,680

31,120

35.1%

33.2%

39.8%

33.6%

Southeast Asian

51,400

37,600

44,320

26.8%

36,960

24,920

30,800

32.6%

28.1%

33.7%

30.5%

West Asian

54,250

39,360

47,400

27.4%

28,440

18,820

24,620

33.8%

47.6%

52.2%

48.1%

Korean

51,800

39,360

45,520

24.0%

26,500

23,300

24,960

12.1%

48.8%

40.8%

45.2%

Japanese

58,300

37,680

43,560

35.4%

25,600

18,000

22,200

29.7%

56.1%

52.2%

49.0%

Table 3: Average income of all immigrants in Canada based on ethnicity, gender and educational attainment.

Aside from Japanese males with non-permanent residency who had the highest annual income of 106,200 USD. The income of permanent residents was significantly higher than non-permanent residents. It was also observed that the pay gap between non-permanent female residents with post-secondary certificates and those with any certificate was quite narrow across the different ethnic groups. Interestingly, it was observed that the 2021 annual income of Blacks (-0.7%), Filipino (-9.6%) and Southeast Asian male non-permanent residents with post-secondary certificates was lower than males from the same ethnicity with no post-secondary certificates. As shown in Table 3, there is a wide gap between male and female permanent resident immigrants irrespective of their ethnicity and academic qualification (13.6% - 50.0%). Japanese male with no post-secondary certificate who were granted permanent residency less than 10 years ago earned less than their female counterparts (-5%).

The independent T-tests presented in Table 4 using the 2021 annual income of immigrants in Canada show that the variations observed in the annual income of immigrants are significant across gender (F = 11.74, t = 4.66, p = 0.001), educational attainment (F = 16.07, t = 7.30, p = 0.001), residency status (F = 6.62, t = 1.60, p = 0.011). The multiple regression analysis presented in Table 5, further confirms that being a female immigrant, having no post-secondary certificates and being a permanent resident in Canada for less than 5 years negatively influences annual earnings (R2 =0.88, F statistic = 191.66, p = 0.001). This implies that 88% of the variations in annual income can be explained by gender, educational attainment and duration of residency.

Mean

Std. Deviation

F

t

sig.

Gender

Male

36599.00

15590.76

11.74

4.66

0.001

Female

25940.00

8398.70

Educational attainment

Post-secondary certificate

38807.00

14545.78

16.07

7.30

0.001

None

23732.00

6651.80

Residency status

Permanent residency

32663.50

13398.15

6.62

1.60

0.15

Non-permanent residency

28481.50

13647.30

Duration of permanent residency

Landed < 10 years

27938.50

12196.52

0.26

3.35

0.001

Landed ≥ 10 years

37388.50

13002.79

Table 4: Independent t-test between income and immigrant characteristics.

R

R Square

Adjusted R Square

F

Sig.

0.94

0.88

0.88

191.66

.000b

Coefficients

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized Coefficients

t

Sig.

B

Std. Error

Beta

(Constant)

93916.000

2761.301

34.012

0.000

Educational attainment

-20408.00

1043.67

-0.77

-19.554

0.000

Gender

-10977.00

1043.67

-0.41

-10.518

0.000

Duration of residency

-9450.00

1043.67

-0.35

-9.055

0.000

Table 5: Regression analysis on the determinants of pay gaps amongst immigrants in Canada (2021).

Gender variations in the annual income of immigrants in Canada based on academic qualifications and Industry

The data presented in Tables 6 and 7, shows that there is a wide gender pay gap in the annual earnings of male and female immigrants having similar academic qualifications and working in the same industry. The study also reveals that non-racialized male and female immigrants with similar certificates earn 4.1-25.1% more than racialised immigrants. However, as seen in Table 6, the gender gap across the different academic qualifications in both racialised immigrants (26.5% - 33.9%) and non-racialised immigrants (23.9% - 49.5%). The gender gap in the annual income of non-racialised immigrants was wider than that of racialised immigrants which suggests that the gender pay gap amongst immigrants is likely due to institutional barriers rather than the cultural norms of the immigrants’ home country which seemingly prevents women from acquiring higher academic qualifications or taking up high-paying jobs. For instance, the highest gender pay gap for both racialised immigrants (33.9%) and racialised immigrants (38.9%) was observed in immigrants with Master’s degrees.

Academic qualifications

Racialised immigrants

Non-racialised immigrants

Racial pay Gap

Men

Women

Pay Gap

% Pay Gap

Men

Women

Pay Gap

% Pay Gap

Men

Women

High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency

certificate

37,840

27,440

10,400

27.5%

46,040

31,240

14,800

32.1%

17.8%

12.2%

Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level

49,440

36,360

13,080

26.5%

54,950

38,080

16,870

30.7%

10.0%

4.5%

Non-apprenticeship trades certificate or diploma

41,560

30,120

11,440

27.5%

44,440

28,320

16,120

36.3%

6.5%

-6.4%

Apprenticeship certificate

49,640

27,200

22,440

45.2%

52,000

26,280

25,720

49.5%

4.5%

-3.5%

College, CEGEP or other non-university certificate or

diploma

50,960

37,400

13,560

26.6%

57,750

39,560

18,190

31.5%

11.8%

5.5%

University certificate or diploma below bachelor level

51,160

38,520

12,640

24.7%

61,350

42,160

19,190

31.3%

16.6%

8.6%

Bachelor’s degree

69,500

48,440

21,060

30.3%

88,600

55,650

32,950

37.2%

21.6%

13.0%

University certificate or diploma above bachelor level

68,700

51,120

17,580

25.6%

80,600

56,850

23,750

29.5%

14.8%

10.1%

Degree in medicine, dentistry, veterinary medicine or optometry

102,000

70,400

31,600

31.0%

129,400

94,000

35,400

27.4%

21.2%

25.1%

Master’s degree

89,000

58,800

30,200

33.9%

108,400

66,600

41,800

38.6%

17.9%

11.7%

Earned doctorate

103,500

79,600

23,900

23.1%

115,100

87,600

27,500

23.9%

10.1%

9.1%

Table 6: Annual income of immigrants based on academic qualifications.

S/n

Industries

Men ($)

Woman ($)

Gap

1

Agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting

40,480

26,040

14,440

2

Mining, quarrying, and oil and gas extraction

140,400

98,500

41,900

3

Utilities

112,500

91,000

21,500

4

Construction

50,680

41,960

8,720

5

Manufacturing

62,750

44,040

18,710

6

Wholesale trade

73,000

53,550

19,450

7

Retail trade

46,560

31,040

15,520

8

Transportation and warehousing

44,560

40,440

4,120

9

Information and cultural industries

94,000

64,600

29,400

10

Finance and insurance

107,000

69,400

37,600

11

Real estate and rental and leasing

58,050

45,360

12,690

12

Professional, scientific and technical services

84,100

55,050

29,050

13

Management of companies and enterprises

142,600

82,100

60,500

14

Administrative and support, waste management and remediation services

39,240

27,840

11,400

15

Educational services

67,300

46,040

21,260

16

Health care and social assistance

74,300

48,880

25,420

17

Arts, entertainment and recreation

33,280

24,140

9,140

18

Accommodation and food services

27,080

20,740

6,340

19

Other services (except public administration)

41,640

27,160

14,480

20

Public administration

82,700

68,100

14,600

Table 7: Annual earnings of male and female immigrants in 2021 across different industries.

This study probed further into possible gender inequalities amongst immigrants in the Canadian workplace using relevant data on annual income across 20 different industries. As shown in Table 7, there is a wide gap in the annual income of male and female immigrants in all the 20 industries analyzed with the maximum annual earnings of men and women being 142,600 USD and 98,500 USD respectively. The Gap in the earnings for men and women range from 4,120 in the warehousing industry to 60,500 USD in the management and enterprise industry. The data presented in Figure 2 provides better insights into the gender pay gap between immigrants working in different industries in Canada.

The average gap in the annual income of male and female immigrants across the 20 industries listed in Table 7 was 28.2% as of 2021. As shown in Figure 2, the following industries had a gender gap higher than 30%: management of companies and enterprises (42.4%), agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting (35.7%), finance and insurance (35.1%), other services except for public administration (34.8%), professional, scientific and technical services (34.5%), Health care and social assistance (34.2%), retail trade (33.3%) and educational services (31.6%).

 

Figure 2: Gender pay gap amongst immigrants in Canada across different industries.

Discussion

The findings from this study show that male immigrants have higher employment rates than female immigrants and the gap in employment rates has slightly increased from 11.0% in 2021 to 11.7% in 2023. This finding suggests that male immigrants have a higher likelihood of being employed than female immigrants. This finding correlates with the study conducted by Liao and Villarreal [40], which revealed that women face lower employment rates and lower full-time employment compared to their male counterparts. The employment rate is worse in Hispanic and Black women with young children [40].  A Canadian study conducted by Singh et al. [41] also suggests that female immigrants experience lower employment rates and lower wages compared to their male counterparts and native-born women. Women in Canada, especially those in part-time, low-income jobs and higher levels of job insecurity than men [41]. This could explain why the gap in the employment rate of male and female immigrants widened by 0.7% from 2021 to 2023.

The finding from this study also revealed that the gender disparities in the employment rate of immigrants in Canada varied based on the duration of permanent residency. Between 2021 and 2023, there was a 3.9% decline in the gap in the employment rate of male and female immigrants who became permanent residents for less than 5 years. On the other hand, the gender gap in the employment rate of immigrants who have become permanent residents for more than 10 years increased by 1.4% from 2021 to 2023. Based on the labour segmentation theory, immigrants often enter the labour market through the secondary segment due to institutional barriers such as

lack of work experience in the host country, language proficiency, discrimination and refusal to recognise foreign qualifications by employers [22,25]. Immigrants gradually transition into the primary segment as they begin to gain work experience and acquire academic qualifications in the host country. This could explain why the gap in the employment rate of immigrants who became permanent residents less than 5 years ago reduced as both male and female immigrants focused on improving their human capital. However, due to gender discrimination in the workplace, more women than men are likely to be trapped in the secondary segment which could explain why the gender gap in the employment rate of immigrants who have been permanent residents in Canada for more than 10 years widened from 2021-2023.

It is also worth noting that gender disparities in annual income were observed across all ethnicities evaluated- Black, Latin American, Korean, Chinese, and Southeast Asian, Japanese, Arab West Asian and Filipino immigrants. The widest gap was observed amongst the Japanese immigrants (37.6%) while the lowest gender pay gap was observed amongst Black immigrants (16.8%). Japan is a conservative nation governed by patriarchal norms [42]. Men are traditionally breadwinners, while women are naturally expected to be homemakers [43,44]. Japanese are protective of their cultural heritage as such patriarchal norms are likely to be upheld by Japanese even when in a foreign country [45]. This suggests that the wide gender pay Gap amongst Japanese could be due to Japanese women taking up less demanding jobs so they can attend to family responsibilities resulting in low income. On the other hand, Blacks have overcome patriarchal norms due to the economic hardships experienced in their home country which has fostered their participation in the labour force [46-48].  The active participation of black women in the labour force explains why the gender pay gap amongst Blacks was narrower than other ethnic groups.

While studies have reported that the gender pay gap exists because women are less educated or take up low-paying jobs than their male counterparts [35,49]. The findings from this study revealed that female immigrants with similar certificates working in the same industry as their male counterparts still earn less than men even in a developed country like Canada. While male immigrants with degrees in medicine, dentistry, veterinary medicine and optometry earned between 102,000 to 129, 400 USD annually depending on their ethnicity, women with the same academic certificate earned between 70, 400 to 94, 000 USD. Similarly, the gender pay gap of immigrants with bachelor’s degree and master’s degrees was as wide as ranged between 30.3-38.6%. This finding aligns with a plethora of research which reveals that women in fact earn less even when they have similar or higher academic qualifications than their male counterparts [37,38,49-51].

Conclusion

This research identified a significant gender-based disparity in the income and employment rates of immigrants in Canada. Despite the progressive immigration policies in Canada, racialised immigrants are not properly integrated into the labour force as a wide pay gap exists between racialised and non-racialised immigrants. The burden of Canada’s failed immigrant-labour force-integration system lies heavier on the women as female immigrants earn significantly less than their male counterparts despite being from the same ethnic group, having similar academic qualifications and working in the same industry. The findings from this study call for policy reforms to address institutionalised discrimination against female immigrants in the Canadian labour force. Also, childcare support systems and flexible working arrangements should be enhanced to encourage women’s participation in the labour force. Lastly, policies that encourage fair hiring processes should be implemented to ensure that employers provide equal job opportunities to women and immigrants.

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Data Availability

All data used are available on Statistics Canada

Declarations

The author declares that there are no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

References

  1. Manning P (2022) History of Migration. Neurology in Migrants and Refugees 15-27.
  2. Tsegay SM (2023) International migration: definition, causes and effects. Genealogy 7: 61.
  3. Tataru GF (2019) Migration–an overview on terminology, causes and effects. Logos, universality, mentality, education, novelty. Section: Law 7: 10-29.
  4. De Haas H (2021) A theory of migration: the aspirations-capabilities framework. Comp Migr Stud 9: 8.
  5. Beverelli C (2022) Pull factors for migration: The impact of migrant integration policies. Economics & Politics 34: 171-191.
  6. Trebilcock MJ (2014) Liberalizing Immigration Policy: The Gains and Strains of Accommodating More and Diverse Newcomers. In M. J. Trebilcock (Ed.), Dealing with Losers: The Political Economy of Policy Transitions.
  7. Liebert S, Siddiqui MH, Goerzig C (2020) Integration of Muslim immigrants in Europe and North America: A transatlantic comparison. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 40: 196-216.
  8. Crookes DM, Stanhope KK, Kim YJ, Lummus E, Suglia SF (2022) Federal, State, and Local Immigrant-Related Policies and Child Health Outcomes: a Systematic Review. J Racial Ethn Health Disparities 9: 478-488.
  9. Alabi T (2024) Experiences and integration of Nigerian migrants in the United States and United Kingdom.
  10. Adeyanju CT, Olatunji OA (2022) Migration of Nigerians to Canada for higher education: Student visa as a pathway to permanent residence. Journal of International Migration and Integration 23: 105-124.
  11. Aydiner C, Rider E (2022) Migration policies and practices at job market participation: perspectives of highly educated Turks in the US, Canada and Europe. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 42: 399-415.
  12. Strausz M (2020) Immigration and Democracy in Japan. In The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Politics.
  13. Kim K (2021) An intersection of East Asian welfare and immigration regimes: The social rights of low‐skilled labour migrants in Japan and Korea. International Journal of Social Welfare 30: 226-238.
  14. Wijburg G, Aalbers MB, Bono F (2021) Cuban migrants and the making of Havana’s property market. Urban Geography 42: 1362-1387.
  15. Oyarte M, Cabieses B, Rada I, Blukacz A, Espinoza M, et al. (2022) Unequal access and use of health care services among settled immigrants, recent immigrants, and locals: a comparative analysis of a nationally representative survey in Chile. Int J Environ Res Public Health 20: 741.
  16. Pasquali P (2022) Migration regimes and the governance of citizenship: a comparison between legal categories of migration in China and in the European Union. Journal of Chinese Governance 7: 633-657.
  17. Chung EA (2023) The side doors of immigration: Multi-tier migration regimes in Japan and South Korea. In Migration Politics across the World pp: 56-72.
  18. Government of Canada (2018) Understanding Canada’s immigration system.
  19. Banerjee R (2023) Introduction to the Special Issue—Canada’s Economic Immigration Policy: Opportunities and Challenges for the Road Ahead. Journal of International Migration and Integration 24: 585-597.
  20. Lu Y, Hou F (2020) Immigration system, labor market structures, and overeducation of high-skilled immigrants in the United States and Canada. International migration review 54: 1072-1103.
  21. Raihan MM, Chowdhury N, Turin TC (2023) Low job market integration of skilled immigrants in Canada: the implication for social integration and mental well-being. Societies 13: 75.
  22. Nazari S (2024) The Intersectional Effects of Race, Gender, and Religion on the Economic Integration of High-skilled Immigrants: a Literature Review. Journal of International Migration and Integration 1-40.
  23. Doeringer PB, Piore MJ (1971) Internal labor markets and manpower analysis, Lexington.
  24. Reich M, Gordon DM,  Edwards RC (1973) A theory of labor market segmentation. The American Economic Review 63: 359-365.
  25. Seo H (2021) ‘Dual’labour market? Patterns of segmentation in European labour markets and the varieties of precariousness. Transfer: European review of labour and research 27: 485-503.
  26. Vohlídalová M (2021) The segmentation of the academic labour market and gender, field, and institutional inequalities. Social inclusion 9: 163-174.
  27. Adversariom J (2021) The Occupational Downgrading of Immigrants and Its Effects on Their Career Development. In Examining the Career Development Practices and Experiences of Immigrants pp: 56-78.
  28. Kesici MR (2022) Labour market segmentation within ethnic economies: The ethnic penalty for invisible Kurdish migrants in the United Kingdom. Work Employment and Society 36: 328-344.
  29. Guzi M, Kahanec M, Mýtna Kureková L (2023) The impact of immigration and integration policies on immigrant-native labour market hierarchies. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 49: 4169-4187.
  30. Chassamboulli A, Fontaine I, Gálvez-Iniesta I, Gomes P (2024) Immigration and labour market flows. Labour Economics 86: 102454.
  31. Husbands W, Lawson DO, Etowa EB, Mbuagbaw L, Baidoobonso S, et al. (2022) Black Canadians' Exposure to Everyday Racism: Implications for Health System Access and Health Promotion among Urban Black Communities. J Urban Health 99: 829-841.
  32. Williams MT, Khanna Roy A, MacIntyre MP, Faber S (2022) The Traumatizing Impact of Racism in Canadians of Colour. Curr Trauma Rep 8: 17-34.
  33. Lin S (2024) Immigrant and Racialized Populations’ Cumulative Exposure to Discrimination and Associations with Long-Term Conditions During COVID-19: A Nationwide Large-Scale Study in Canada. J Racial Ethn Health Disparities.
  34. Blumberg RL (1984) A general theory of gender stratification. Sociological theory 23-101.
  35. Peetz D, Murray G (2017) Women, labor segmentation and regulation: Varieties of gender gaps.
  36. Collins R, Chafetz JS, Blumberg RL, Coltrane S, Turner JH (1993) Toward an integrated theory of gender stratification. Sociological Perspectives 36: 185-216.
  37. Santos Silva M, Klasen S (2021) Gender inequality as a barrier to economic growth: a review of the theoretical literature. Review of Economics of the Household 19: 581-614.
  38. Bohren JA, Hull P, Imas A (2022) Systemic discrimination: Theory and measurement.
  39. Statisitcs Canada (2024) Data.
  40. Liao KT, Villarreal A (2022) Unequal effects of the COVID-19 epidemic on employment: Differences by immigrant status and race/ethnicity. PloS one 17: e0277005.
  41. Singh V, Shirazi H, Turetken J (2022) COVID-19 and gender disparities: Labour market outcomes. Research in Economics 76: 206-217.
  42. Hatano A (2021) How international gender norms change the gender equality landscape in Japan? Analysis of the laws on women’s economic and political participation. 2021 Law and Development Conference.
  43. Higuchi M (2020) Why do married women in Japan support the unequal gender norm of “working and caring”? 1. In Social Change in Japan, 1989-2019 pp: 149-168.
  44. Ogasawara Y (2020) The slow decline of the male-breadwinner family model in contemporary Japan and its ramifications for men’s lives. Japan Labour Issues 4: 15-28.
  45. Gray GP (2022) Japanese Gender Norms and Their Impact on Male Attitudes Toward Women. In M. S. Schotanus (Ed.), Gender Violence, the Law, and Society pp: 143-159.
  46. Idowu OO, Owoeye T (2019) Female Labour Force Participation in African Countries: An Empirical Analysis. Indian Journal of Human Development 13: 278-293.
  47. Chance NL (2021) Resilient Leadership: A Phenomenological Exploration Into How Black Women in Higher Education Leadership Navigate Cultural Adversity. Journal of Humanistic Psychology 62: 44-78.
  48. Nkoumou Ngoa GB, Song JS (2021) Female participation in African labor markets: The role of information and communication technologies. Telecommunications Policy 45: 102174.
  49. Blau FD, Kahn LM (2020) The gender pay gap: Have women gone as far as they can? In Inequality in the United States pp: 345-362.
  50. Sobeck K (2022) Greedy jobs, labour market institutions, and the gender pay gap.
  51. Andrew A, Bandiera O, Costa Dias M, Landais C (2024) Women and men at work. Oxford Open Economics 3: i294-i322.

    © by the Authors & Gavin Publishers. This is an Open Access Journal Article Published Under Attribution-Share Alike CC BY-SA: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International License. Read More About Open Access Policy.

    Update cookies preferences